2016年08月04日

日本寄せ場学会年報『寄せ場』第28号を発行しました

日本寄せ場学会年報『寄せ場』第27号(2015年7月25日発行)
当学会の活動の要の一つでもある年報の第28号が発行されました。
yoseba28front.png
目次
巻頭言「卑近を思わなければ高尚になれない」濱村 篤
フォト「関東の飯場を巡る」水野阿修羅

〔特集1〕 ジェントリフィケーションへの抵抗
「「西成特区構想」に参加型開発の理念は生かされているか」綱島洋之
「行政との「協働」再考 野宿者支援・運動の展開から」室田大樹
「釜ヶ崎はなくならない 歴史と今」水野阿修羅

〔特集2〕 炊き出し/共同炊事の思想
「炊き出しにおける自律性の発現」持木良太
「文化闘争としての共同炊事 その担い手は誰か」きんちゃん
「共同炊事 現場と支援とをつなぐもの」向井宏一郎

〔投稿〕
「「浮浪者」像の形成と展開  横山源之助を中心に」青木秀男
「賀川豊彦の『死線を越えて』に見る1910年代のスラム」濱村 篤
「「冷戦」体制下の〈日本本土〉と〈沖縄〉」松沢哲成

〔現場から〕
「二〇二〇東京五輪 新国立競技場予定地・明治公園での野宿者強制排除と抵抗の記録」

〔ヨセバ・クリティーク〕
「「脱出可能な状態」日米ホームレスの比較論は希望を強調する Matthew Marr『Better Must Come』を読む」」トム・ギル
「一九八〇年代の山谷、寄せ場状況を知る手引き 松沢哲成「フィールドとセルフビルド・一九九〇 山谷労働者福祉会館と宮内康」を読む」中西昭雄
「寄せ場のアフォーダンスが紡ぎ出す思想 トム・ギル『毎日あほうだんす――寿町の日雇い哲学者 西川紀光の世界』を読む」妻木進吾
「なぜ「あいりん」か 白波瀬達也『宗教の社会貢献を問い直す―ホームレス支援の現場から』を読む」小柳伸顕
「東大闘争の意義を改めて敷衍する記念碑的かつ貴重な一書 山本義隆『私の1960年代』を読む」松沢哲成
「70歳、80歳になって沖縄の夜間中学で学ぶ嬉しさ 珊瑚舎スコーレ編著『まちかんてぃ! 動き始めた学びの時計』を読む」中西昭雄
「国際感覚と人権意識に欠けた「貧民」論 塩見鮮一郎『戦後の貧民』を読む」金子マーティン
「外交官『杉原千畝』の新たな「神話」を生み出しかねない創作だらけの著作と映画」金子マーティン
「釜ヶ崎から、ジェントリフィケーションを問う 生田武志『釜ヶ崎から 貧困と野宿の日本』への応答」原口剛

学会日録

発売:れんが書房新社
ISBN:978-4-8462-0421-1
価格:本体2800円+税
書店等で在庫切れの場合は学会事務局(yosebagakkai@yahoo.co.jp)までお問い合わせください。
※会員の方(で直近3年以内の会費の納入をされた方)へは昨日発送しましたので、まもなくお手元に届くと思います。
特集および投稿論文の英文要旨はこちらです。
posted by yosebagakkai at 10:47| 日記 | このブログの読者になる | 更新情報をチェックする

Yoseba Annual #28 (2016) Contents and abstracts

Yoseba Journal No.28: Contents and abstracts

First special feature: Resistance to Gentrification

TSUNASHIMA Hiroyuki
Is the ideal of participatory development being realized in the "Nishinari Special District Concept"?

The "Nishinari Special District Concept" is being fanfared as a form of "participatory town-building," and local residents are being called upon to take part in the project. But in view of the fact that historically Kamagasaki has always been under the influence of outsiders, the participation of outsiders needs to be discussed. Looking back over past debates on participatory development, we can see several shared issues left by participatory development and welfare education, regarding the need for self-critical involvement of outsiders. When outsiders get together with the workers and welfare recipients of Kamagasaki to deal with social issues outside the district, Kamagasaki presents a new attraction, as not just a "workers' town" but also a "town that fosters workers." At the same time, by expunging the prejudice that has been directed at Kamagasaki, the need for coordination of interests that has been forced upon "local residents" may well be shaken from its foundations.

MUROTA Hiroki
Rethinking "cooperative action": from the perspective of developments in homeless support and action

This paper aims to review the trend towards "cooperative action" between homeless support and activist groups and the government authorities. My case study is the Shibuya Free Alliance to Win Survival and Livelihood for Homeless People, known by its Japanese acronym, Nojiren. Founded in 1998, Nojiren has modified its activities in response to changing government policy, but continues to maintain an adversarial stance towards the authorities in its campaign for "street rights." A major turning point was the enactment of the 2002 Homeless Self-reliance Support Act, which was the cue for many groups engaged in homeless support and activism to change tack towards cooperation with the authorities. Nojiren, however, only further emphasized its resistance to the authorities. How did this turning point come to pass? And what is the meaning of resistance at a time when fine-tuned welfare support responding to individual needs is called for? By discussing the development of Nojiren's activities, I seek to answer these questions.

MIZUNO Ashura
Kamagasaki will not disappear: History and the present day

Not a few of the doya-gai (skid row districts) and hanba villages (groups of workers' boarding houses) that used to be found around Japan have disappeared in the course of redevelopment. The Osaka doya-gai of Kamagasaki has also been threatened with extinction many times, but has survived. I summarize the history of Kamagasaki with special regard to a number of turning points. In recent years we have seen moves to reduce the scale of the yoseba (day-laboring market) under the name of the "Nishinari Special District Concept", but there have also been moves to turn Kamagasaki into a place for the training of craftsmen for the construction industry. So long as the doya, or cheap lodging houses, remain, there is every possibility that Kamagasaki with survive as a base for mobile workers.

Second special feature: Takidashi; The concept of communal cooking

MOCHIKI Ryota
The autonomy of the takidashi within the yoseba

Takidashi, meaning free handouts of communally cooked food, are part of yoseba life, but their political or philosophical significance has hitherto received relatively little attention. However, most of the takidashi currently being run in parks, riverbanks and on the streets are now in a state of crisis, and the need for debate on this issue is steadily increasing. This paper aims to establish a foundation for that yoseba debate. Based on my experience with the "Association to Get Victory" (Kachitoru-Kai), in Kamagasaki's Triangle Park, I will discuss the following issues. First, the essence of the takidashi as the sharing of food. Second, the yoseba takidashi as a form of domestic labor that serves as a working rebuttal to the capitalist concept of reproductive labor. Third, the question of the autonomy of the takidashi in the yoseba. I believe this discussion may also contribute to theorizing the "naturally occurring" takidashi that spring up in so many places after a natural disaster. By revealing the specificity of the yoseba takidashi, I will look for themes they share with takidashi in other places, and thereby deepen the discussion on what we can see happening in takidashi generally.

KIN-CHAN
The takidashi as cultural struggle: who are the standard-bearers?

In Osaka's Kamagasaki Patrol Association (Kamagasaki Patororu no Kai), communal cooking by homeless people and their supporters did not give birth to a new communalism or subjectivity in the homeless movement. The reason is that homeless people engaged in making the food developed a discriminatory consciousness towards those who merely received it. This occurred because those making the meals acquired a positive self-image through having their identity affirmed by the supporters, but still retained the negative awareness of their status as homeless people. Self-driven action by homeless people will only become possible when the history of homeless people, those with no fixed abode, is disclosed, so that the negative consciousness of homelessness can be swept away.

MUKAI Koichiro
Communal cooking: linking the site of poverty with support

Communal cooking emerged around 1990, as part of the shift from the day laborer movement to the homeless movement. Communal cooking (kyodo suiji) was clearly differentiated from food handouts (takidashi), in that everyone was supposed to take part in the cooking, and there would be no line of people waiting for food. But especially important was the link between the activity and the site of homeless people's lives. In the homeless movement, it is absolutely imperative that homeless people themselves should take the leading role. It is important to always be aware of who this is all about. In lower-class society both positive and negative elements appear, dramatically distinguished. Thus in communal cooking we have always tried to confront contradictions such as hierarchical relationships, power relations, violence etc. When thinking about the meaning of our movement, we must never think of homeless people simply as people defined by the negative condition of not having a place to live. The action of homelessness is a form of resistance, created by proletarian workers amid the conditions in which they have been placed. The challenge for the movement is how best to back up that resistance.

AOKI Hideo
The formation and development of images of "vagrants": focusing on Yokoyama Gen'nosuke

Modern people make "diligence" and "independence" the basis of their living ethics. Accordingly "laziness" and "dependence" are ethical negatives. In the modern age "vagrants" (furosha) have been viewed as lazy, dependent people. The urban poor and transients were conceptually divided between "good vagrants" and "bad vagrants," the former being absorbed into the city and the latter expelled. This image of vagrants existed since the Meiji Era. Reportage and research on urban lower-class society made the same distinction, as did Yokoyama Gen'nosuke, author of the classic "Japan's Urban Lower-class Society." But there was also reportage and research that reversed the image of the vagrant, celebrating the lives of vagrants as human beings. This perspective, viewing vagrants as active agents, can still be found in homeless research today. Vagrants are both objectified and subjectified. This paper analyzes the antagonistic relationship between these two perspectives on urban lower-class society. The perspective that treats vagrants as humans exposes the exclusionary structure of the modern city from its bottom stratum, corrects the errors of reportage and research complicit in that structure, and creates a fortress for all-inclusive urban lower-class research.

HAMAMURA Atsushi
Kobe slums in the 1910s as seen in "Crossing the Death Line" by Kagawa Toyohiko

In order to reevaluate the concept of the slum, which includes the yoseba, this paper takes up Kagawa Toyohiko's strongly autobiographical novel, "Crossing the Death Line" (Shisen wo Koete; 1920) and analyzes the 1910s Fukiai Shinkawa slum described in that novel. This slum was formed out of Meiji era treaty reforms and the "naichi zakkyo" policy abolishing residence restrictions on foreigners, and bears the stamp of Kobe's modernization. The Fukiai Shinkawa slum also displays the high level of mobility among urban lower-class residents, and the decidedly low threshold between residents involved in the urban informal economy and unskilled mechanics. As such, I believe that observation of this Japanese slum in the 1910s offers many hints relating to present-day society, where irregular employees make up 40% of the total workforce. Finally, I look at Kagawa himself, who lived in the Fukiai Shinkawa slum and engaged in various anti-poverty activities. I observe and criticize the use of discriminatory expressions that can be found in his writing of this period.

MATSUZAWA Tessei
The "Japanese Mainland" and "Okinawa" under the Cold War regime

This paper first looks at how the massive capital of the construction industry seized a colossal amount of compensation money from the half-destroyed Japanese bureaucracy after defeat in the imperialist war. The pretext was the cost of putting down uprisings by Korean and Chinese coal miners etc. Next I look at how a body called the Tokken Kyoryoku-Kai (Special Construction Cooperation Association; later renamed the Tokubetsu Chotatsu-sho or Special Procurement Agency), was formed by bureaucrats and private-sector representatives, mostly from the construction industry) and took orders from those involved with the occupation military forces for the repair of confiscated property and new construction. This led to a (re)construction boom. Then in the early 1950s this body took charge of constructing military bases and related facilities in Okinawa with the powerful support of the US occupying forces, making enormous profits. The foundation of those profits was the heartless exploitation of workers from Amami and Okinawa in prison-like work camps called "tako-beya." In this way the construction industry's monopoly capital teamed up with the Japanese bureaucracy and the American occupying powers to create a huge tripod power structure. In the background to this was the Cold War confrontation between the US-led white empire and the Soviet red empire. We have to be clear that today's Japan and the living of its inhabitants were built on the platform of the Ryukyu islands and Vietnam.
posted by yosebagakkai at 10:43| 日記 | このブログの読者になる | 更新情報をチェックする

2016年07月03日

2016年日本寄せ場学会総会・シンポジウム

2016年 日本寄せ場学会総会・シンポジウム
寄せ場と壁/国境線
「寄せ場」から「寄り場」へ


2016年7月23日(土) 12:00−18:00
山谷労働者福祉会館2階ホール
(13時からのシンポジウムは会員以外の方でも参加できます。参加費無料・事前申し込み不要ですので、会場に直接お越しください)

〈プログラム〉
12:00 - 13:00 総会(会議)
13:00 - 18:00 シンポジウム
■基調 濱村 篤(日本寄せ場学会運営委員長)
■藤田進(中東問題研究家(パレスチナ現代史))
「イスラエル占領下隔離壁に囲まれたパレスチナ人ゲットーにおける集団抵抗闘争の現在
 ―最近のエルサレム訪問にもとづく一報告―」
■平野良子(在日アジア労働者と共に闘う会)
「建設労働と外国人技能実習生」
■渡辺拓也(大阪市立大学都市文化研究センター研究員)
「大阪都市圏の飯場の現在
 インターネット求人情報をもとに」

〈総会基調〉
寄せ場と壁/国境線  「寄せ場」から「寄り場」へ

 最近のヨーロッパにおける難民の報道に接するにつけ、流動する下層労働者を含め渡り歩く人間にとって国境線や国籍とはいったい何なのか、また、安住の地とは何なのか改めて思わざるを得ません。ヨーロッパ各国が押し寄せる難民によりシェンゲン協定の維持(つまり、国のあり方の基本)が困難となる事態や、バルカンルートに該当する国々がフェンスを張り巡らすなどして国境線を事実上封鎖した事態は印象的でした。

 戦後の農漁村の解体やエネルギー転換による炭鉱の閉山が寄せ場形成の大きな要因であるとすると、寄せ場の問題を純粋に国内問題であると考えることもできますが、実際には、寄せ場の運動が華青闘の闘いに触発を受けたり、釜ヶ崎から「反入管通信」なる通信が出されたり、あるいは、寄せ場の運動の中で「国際主義」が提起されるなど、囲い込まれた寄せ場空間を乗り越えようとする試みがこれまでに繰り返しおこなわれてきました。これは重要な事実だと思われますし、今日の文脈の中に再度置き換えて検討する必要があると考えられます。

 現在の寄せ場の運動に関連させて言うと、近年、竪川、明治公園と相次いで大きな鋼板でできた巨大な壁が建設されており、野宿者を排除する手段として目に見える物理的な壁を臆面もなく建設するのが現在の趨勢であることが理解できます。「寄せ場」という言葉には、元来、人を寄せ集めて、囲いの中に囲い込むというネガティブで受動的なニュアンスも込められていますが、寄せ場を囲い込んでいるのは目に見える物理的な壁に限りません。入管制度のような目に見えない壁によってもそのぐるりを取り囲まれていると考えています。それどころか、寄せ場労働者当事者の間にも職人層と土方と仕事に就かない層/就けない層との間にも目に見えない壁があります。現在、各寄せ場などで実践されている炊き出し/共同炊事の試みは、このような目に見えない壁を克服する試みであると言えるでしょう。

 2016年度日本寄せ場学会総会では、寄せ場と壁あるいは国境線をテーマとして取り上げ、このテーマについての現状認識をおこないますが、現状認識にとどまることなく、受動的なニュアンスもある「寄せ場」から、そこに人が主体的に集う、自律的な空間「寄り場」への転換の契機についても議論することができればと願っております。
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★会場へのアクセス
山谷労働者福祉会館(東京都台東区日本堤 1-25-11)
JR常磐線・地下鉄日比谷線・つくばエクスプレス 「南千住」駅 下車徒歩10分
・日比谷線南千住駅南口改札前の跨線橋を渡り吉野通りを直進
・泪橋(なみだばし)交差点を越える
・浅草警察署山谷派出所前を右折・いろは通り商店街入り口右手の建物が山谷労働者福祉会館
※エアコンはありませんので、各自で暑さ対策をお願いします
posted by yosebagakkai at 09:35| Comment(0) | 日記 | このブログの読者になる | 更新情報をチェックする