2017年05月11日

年報『寄せ場』第29号の執筆要領です

年報『寄せ場』次号(第29号)の発行時期は2017年12月の予定です。投稿を希望される方は、希望する原稿の種類(論文、書評等)と仮タイトルを編集委員会までお知らせください。なお、原稿の投稿締切りは2017年9月30日です。これは「これ以上は伸ばせない」という事実上のデッドラインですのでご注意ください。

日本寄せ場学会 年報『寄せ場』執筆要領
(2017年4月29日 年報編集委員会 更新)

〈原稿の種類・字数〉
・原稿の種類は、(1)論文、(2)現場報告(「現場から」)、(3)書評(「ヨセバ・クリティーク」)、(4)その他です。ただし、(2)(3)(4)として提出されたものであっても、原稿の内容・分量・年報全体の構成などを考慮して、編集委員会の判断で、(1)の論文として取り扱う場合がありますので、あらかじめご了承ください。
・文字数は、論文の場合は12000字から20000字(400字×30枚から50枚)程度、(3)書評は4000字程度、それ以外は12000字以内を目安としてください。図表類は、1枚あたり400字に換算してください。

〈投稿・提出先〉
・原稿は、編集委員会へ、電子メールで提出することを原則とします。ただし、電子メールでの提出が困難である場合には、郵便等で提出してください。

〔年報寄せ場編集委員会〕
〒102-8554
東京都千代田区紀尾井町7-1
上智大学総合グローバル学部
稲葉研究室気付 年報寄せ場編集委員会
電子メール:annual.yoseba@gmail.com

〈形式〉
・原稿は、ワープロソフトを使用して作成した場合は、テキストファイルに変換したものも併せて提出してください。図・表・写真などについては、テキストファイルとは別ファイルとして提出してください。註・図表の位置については、本文中に【註1】【図1】、【表1】という具合に記載してください。ただし図表については、版下を組む段階でレイアウトを調節する場合があります。註・文献リストの類は、脚注ではなく文末に一括して掲載する形式としてください。
・原稿には400字程度の和文要旨をつけてください。
・文献リストには、原則として下記の事項を記載してください。分野に応じて、下記以外でも必要な事項があれば記載してください。
【書籍の場合】
 著者名、初出年、『書名・掲載誌名』、出版社名
【書籍・雑誌等に収録の論文の場合】
 著者名、初出年、「論文名」『書名・掲載誌名』、出版社名、掲載ページ数
・原稿末尾に、執筆者名のよみがなと、専門や所属などを付記してください。特に所属等がない場合は、「◯◯研究」「◯◯学」「◯◯労働者」などで結構です。
・版下は原則として縦書きで組みます。本文中の数字は漢数字表記(例:一九四四年、四万三九〇五人)となりますので、提出時に漢数字にしておいてください。

〈原稿のチェック〉
・依頼原稿と投稿原稿とを問わず、提出された原稿については編集委員会にて査読を行い、修正提案などのコメントをお返ししますので、その場合は、指定された期日までに、コメントを参考に推敲や修正を行ってください。また、原稿が本学会の趣旨などと甚だしくかけ離れていたり、論証や実証が著しく不充分と認められた場合には、掲載しない場合があります。その場合には理由とともに本人にその旨を通知します。
・著者校正は、原則として初校の1回だけです。最初の原稿の提出が著しく遅れた場合には、著者校正を割愛する場合があります。

〈その他〉
・原稿料は出ませんが、執筆者には掲載号を1冊進呈します。執筆者が会員である場合には、会員配布分とは別に執筆者分としてもう1冊を配布します。
posted by yosebagakkai at 11:14| 日記 | 更新情報をチェックする

2016年08月04日

日本寄せ場学会年報『寄せ場』第28号を発行しました

日本寄せ場学会年報『寄せ場』第27号(2015年7月25日発行)
当学会の活動の要の一つでもある年報の第28号が発行されました。
yoseba28front.png
目次
巻頭言「卑近を思わなければ高尚になれない」濱村 篤
フォト「関東の飯場を巡る」水野阿修羅

〔特集1〕 ジェントリフィケーションへの抵抗
「「西成特区構想」に参加型開発の理念は生かされているか」綱島洋之
「行政との「協働」再考 野宿者支援・運動の展開から」室田大樹
「釜ヶ崎はなくならない 歴史と今」水野阿修羅

〔特集2〕 炊き出し/共同炊事の思想
「炊き出しにおける自律性の発現」持木良太
「文化闘争としての共同炊事 その担い手は誰か」きんちゃん
「共同炊事 現場と支援とをつなぐもの」向井宏一郎

〔投稿〕
「「浮浪者」像の形成と展開  横山源之助を中心に」青木秀男
「賀川豊彦の『死線を越えて』に見る1910年代のスラム」濱村 篤
「「冷戦」体制下の〈日本本土〉と〈沖縄〉」松沢哲成

〔現場から〕
「二〇二〇東京五輪 新国立競技場予定地・明治公園での野宿者強制排除と抵抗の記録」

〔ヨセバ・クリティーク〕
「「脱出可能な状態」日米ホームレスの比較論は希望を強調する Matthew Marr『Better Must Come』を読む」」トム・ギル
「一九八〇年代の山谷、寄せ場状況を知る手引き 松沢哲成「フィールドとセルフビルド・一九九〇 山谷労働者福祉会館と宮内康」を読む」中西昭雄
「寄せ場のアフォーダンスが紡ぎ出す思想 トム・ギル『毎日あほうだんす――寿町の日雇い哲学者 西川紀光の世界』を読む」妻木進吾
「なぜ「あいりん」か 白波瀬達也『宗教の社会貢献を問い直す―ホームレス支援の現場から』を読む」小柳伸顕
「東大闘争の意義を改めて敷衍する記念碑的かつ貴重な一書 山本義隆『私の1960年代』を読む」松沢哲成
「70歳、80歳になって沖縄の夜間中学で学ぶ嬉しさ 珊瑚舎スコーレ編著『まちかんてぃ! 動き始めた学びの時計』を読む」中西昭雄
「国際感覚と人権意識に欠けた「貧民」論 塩見鮮一郎『戦後の貧民』を読む」金子マーティン
「外交官『杉原千畝』の新たな「神話」を生み出しかねない創作だらけの著作と映画」金子マーティン
「釜ヶ崎から、ジェントリフィケーションを問う 生田武志『釜ヶ崎から 貧困と野宿の日本』への応答」原口剛

学会日録

発売:れんが書房新社
ISBN:978-4-8462-0421-1
価格:本体2800円+税
書店等で在庫切れの場合は学会事務局(yosebagakkai@yahoo.co.jp)までお問い合わせください。
※会員の方(で直近3年以内の会費の納入をされた方)へは昨日発送しましたので、まもなくお手元に届くと思います。
特集および投稿論文の英文要旨はこちらです。
posted by yosebagakkai at 10:47| 日記 | 更新情報をチェックする

Yoseba Annual #28 (2016) Contents and abstracts

Yoseba Journal No.28: Contents and abstracts

First special feature: Resistance to Gentrification

TSUNASHIMA Hiroyuki
Is the ideal of participatory development being realized in the "Nishinari Special District Concept"?

The "Nishinari Special District Concept" is being fanfared as a form of "participatory town-building," and local residents are being called upon to take part in the project. But in view of the fact that historically Kamagasaki has always been under the influence of outsiders, the participation of outsiders needs to be discussed. Looking back over past debates on participatory development, we can see several shared issues left by participatory development and welfare education, regarding the need for self-critical involvement of outsiders. When outsiders get together with the workers and welfare recipients of Kamagasaki to deal with social issues outside the district, Kamagasaki presents a new attraction, as not just a "workers' town" but also a "town that fosters workers." At the same time, by expunging the prejudice that has been directed at Kamagasaki, the need for coordination of interests that has been forced upon "local residents" may well be shaken from its foundations.

MUROTA Hiroki
Rethinking "cooperative action": from the perspective of developments in homeless support and action

This paper aims to review the trend towards "cooperative action" between homeless support and activist groups and the government authorities. My case study is the Shibuya Free Alliance to Win Survival and Livelihood for Homeless People, known by its Japanese acronym, Nojiren. Founded in 1998, Nojiren has modified its activities in response to changing government policy, but continues to maintain an adversarial stance towards the authorities in its campaign for "street rights." A major turning point was the enactment of the 2002 Homeless Self-reliance Support Act, which was the cue for many groups engaged in homeless support and activism to change tack towards cooperation with the authorities. Nojiren, however, only further emphasized its resistance to the authorities. How did this turning point come to pass? And what is the meaning of resistance at a time when fine-tuned welfare support responding to individual needs is called for? By discussing the development of Nojiren's activities, I seek to answer these questions.

MIZUNO Ashura
Kamagasaki will not disappear: History and the present day

Not a few of the doya-gai (skid row districts) and hanba villages (groups of workers' boarding houses) that used to be found around Japan have disappeared in the course of redevelopment. The Osaka doya-gai of Kamagasaki has also been threatened with extinction many times, but has survived. I summarize the history of Kamagasaki with special regard to a number of turning points. In recent years we have seen moves to reduce the scale of the yoseba (day-laboring market) under the name of the "Nishinari Special District Concept", but there have also been moves to turn Kamagasaki into a place for the training of craftsmen for the construction industry. So long as the doya, or cheap lodging houses, remain, there is every possibility that Kamagasaki with survive as a base for mobile workers.

Second special feature: Takidashi; The concept of communal cooking

MOCHIKI Ryota
The autonomy of the takidashi within the yoseba

Takidashi, meaning free handouts of communally cooked food, are part of yoseba life, but their political or philosophical significance has hitherto received relatively little attention. However, most of the takidashi currently being run in parks, riverbanks and on the streets are now in a state of crisis, and the need for debate on this issue is steadily increasing. This paper aims to establish a foundation for that yoseba debate. Based on my experience with the "Association to Get Victory" (Kachitoru-Kai), in Kamagasaki's Triangle Park, I will discuss the following issues. First, the essence of the takidashi as the sharing of food. Second, the yoseba takidashi as a form of domestic labor that serves as a working rebuttal to the capitalist concept of reproductive labor. Third, the question of the autonomy of the takidashi in the yoseba. I believe this discussion may also contribute to theorizing the "naturally occurring" takidashi that spring up in so many places after a natural disaster. By revealing the specificity of the yoseba takidashi, I will look for themes they share with takidashi in other places, and thereby deepen the discussion on what we can see happening in takidashi generally.

KIN-CHAN
The takidashi as cultural struggle: who are the standard-bearers?

In Osaka's Kamagasaki Patrol Association (Kamagasaki Patororu no Kai), communal cooking by homeless people and their supporters did not give birth to a new communalism or subjectivity in the homeless movement. The reason is that homeless people engaged in making the food developed a discriminatory consciousness towards those who merely received it. This occurred because those making the meals acquired a positive self-image through having their identity affirmed by the supporters, but still retained the negative awareness of their status as homeless people. Self-driven action by homeless people will only become possible when the history of homeless people, those with no fixed abode, is disclosed, so that the negative consciousness of homelessness can be swept away.

MUKAI Koichiro
Communal cooking: linking the site of poverty with support

Communal cooking emerged around 1990, as part of the shift from the day laborer movement to the homeless movement. Communal cooking (kyodo suiji) was clearly differentiated from food handouts (takidashi), in that everyone was supposed to take part in the cooking, and there would be no line of people waiting for food. But especially important was the link between the activity and the site of homeless people's lives. In the homeless movement, it is absolutely imperative that homeless people themselves should take the leading role. It is important to always be aware of who this is all about. In lower-class society both positive and negative elements appear, dramatically distinguished. Thus in communal cooking we have always tried to confront contradictions such as hierarchical relationships, power relations, violence etc. When thinking about the meaning of our movement, we must never think of homeless people simply as people defined by the negative condition of not having a place to live. The action of homelessness is a form of resistance, created by proletarian workers amid the conditions in which they have been placed. The challenge for the movement is how best to back up that resistance.

AOKI Hideo
The formation and development of images of "vagrants": focusing on Yokoyama Gen'nosuke

Modern people make "diligence" and "independence" the basis of their living ethics. Accordingly "laziness" and "dependence" are ethical negatives. In the modern age "vagrants" (furosha) have been viewed as lazy, dependent people. The urban poor and transients were conceptually divided between "good vagrants" and "bad vagrants," the former being absorbed into the city and the latter expelled. This image of vagrants existed since the Meiji Era. Reportage and research on urban lower-class society made the same distinction, as did Yokoyama Gen'nosuke, author of the classic "Japan's Urban Lower-class Society." But there was also reportage and research that reversed the image of the vagrant, celebrating the lives of vagrants as human beings. This perspective, viewing vagrants as active agents, can still be found in homeless research today. Vagrants are both objectified and subjectified. This paper analyzes the antagonistic relationship between these two perspectives on urban lower-class society. The perspective that treats vagrants as humans exposes the exclusionary structure of the modern city from its bottom stratum, corrects the errors of reportage and research complicit in that structure, and creates a fortress for all-inclusive urban lower-class research.

HAMAMURA Atsushi
Kobe slums in the 1910s as seen in "Crossing the Death Line" by Kagawa Toyohiko

In order to reevaluate the concept of the slum, which includes the yoseba, this paper takes up Kagawa Toyohiko's strongly autobiographical novel, "Crossing the Death Line" (Shisen wo Koete; 1920) and analyzes the 1910s Fukiai Shinkawa slum described in that novel. This slum was formed out of Meiji era treaty reforms and the "naichi zakkyo" policy abolishing residence restrictions on foreigners, and bears the stamp of Kobe's modernization. The Fukiai Shinkawa slum also displays the high level of mobility among urban lower-class residents, and the decidedly low threshold between residents involved in the urban informal economy and unskilled mechanics. As such, I believe that observation of this Japanese slum in the 1910s offers many hints relating to present-day society, where irregular employees make up 40% of the total workforce. Finally, I look at Kagawa himself, who lived in the Fukiai Shinkawa slum and engaged in various anti-poverty activities. I observe and criticize the use of discriminatory expressions that can be found in his writing of this period.

MATSUZAWA Tessei
The "Japanese Mainland" and "Okinawa" under the Cold War regime

This paper first looks at how the massive capital of the construction industry seized a colossal amount of compensation money from the half-destroyed Japanese bureaucracy after defeat in the imperialist war. The pretext was the cost of putting down uprisings by Korean and Chinese coal miners etc. Next I look at how a body called the Tokken Kyoryoku-Kai (Special Construction Cooperation Association; later renamed the Tokubetsu Chotatsu-sho or Special Procurement Agency), was formed by bureaucrats and private-sector representatives, mostly from the construction industry) and took orders from those involved with the occupation military forces for the repair of confiscated property and new construction. This led to a (re)construction boom. Then in the early 1950s this body took charge of constructing military bases and related facilities in Okinawa with the powerful support of the US occupying forces, making enormous profits. The foundation of those profits was the heartless exploitation of workers from Amami and Okinawa in prison-like work camps called "tako-beya." In this way the construction industry's monopoly capital teamed up with the Japanese bureaucracy and the American occupying powers to create a huge tripod power structure. In the background to this was the Cold War confrontation between the US-led white empire and the Soviet red empire. We have to be clear that today's Japan and the living of its inhabitants were built on the platform of the Ryukyu islands and Vietnam.
posted by yosebagakkai at 10:43| 日記 | 更新情報をチェックする